Variable Returned to New Orleans? Conclusions Our results suggest that housing damage was the major factor slowing the return of displaced New Orleans residents, particularly among black residents and those of low socioeconomic status. Acknowledgments The authors gratefully acknowledge the contributions of many colleagues in designing, implementing, and analyzing the Displaced New Orleans Residents Pilot Survey.
Standard definitions: Final dispositions of case codes and outcome rates for surveys. Race, class, and capital amidst the Hurricane Katrina diaspora. The sociology of Katrina: Perspectives on a modern catastrophe. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littleufield; London: Routledge; The state of black America. New Orleans: Next steps on the road to recovery; pp.
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This process suggests that residents of the more-damaged areas of the city were displaced longer at least in part because their neighborhoods were slower to reopen.
This may have resulted in major destruction of physical infrastructure and social networks, making these neighborhoods far less attractive places to which to return. For instance, flooded neighborhoods were likely to have longer delays in the reopening of schools and health facilities, and the restoration of public services.
The absence of returned neighbors also meant that many community institutions were not functioning well or at all and problems related to crime and safety might be more severe than in neighborhoods with more residents. Our analysis has several limitations due to its small sample size and the short observation period for return migration.
However, our main conclusion that the racial and socioeconomic differential in the rate of return migration occurred in large measure because of differences in housing damage is unlikely to be affected by these limitations. Despite its small sample size the pilot study was successful in drawing and interviewing a representative sample of pre-Katrina residents of New Orleans. The comparison of respondent characteristics to corresponding data from the ACS suggests that the sample is not significantly biased in a way that would affect our results.
Nevertheless the modest sample size precluded our ability to relax and test the assumption of proportional hazards in our piecewise hazards model. In addition, our analysis is limited by the relatively basic set of covariates and covariate categories that we used.
Finally, our analysis focuses on return migration over a relatively short period of 14 months following the hurricane. The return migration process is likely to have continued in the subsequent months and years. We speculate, based on the findings from our analysis, that continued return migration among non-blacks and the highly educated was unlikely to be substantial. In contrast, there was a higher likelihood of additional return migration among blacks and individuals of low socioeconomic status.
These residents may have been able to return as FEMA trailers became available, repairs to their homes were completed, or affordable rental housing became available. These developments were likely to have occurred slowly, although they have the important potential of reducing disparities in return rates by race and socioeconomic status.
This full-scale survey of displaced New Orleans residents is being fielded approximately 4 years after Hurricane Katrina and will provide a picture of return migration among a larger group of displaced residents over a substantially longer period. It also includes a richer set of measures to analyze the effects of factors such as housing reconstruction and neighborhood recovery on return migration. By duplicating and expanding the analysis presented in this article with the new data, we will be better able to determine how race and socioeconomic disparities in return migration have shaped the repopulation of New Orleans in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina and whether blacks and non-college educated pre-Katrina residents simply experienced a delay in return migration, or have in fact not returned at all.
The repopulation of New Orleans has been difficult to observe and even harder to analyze. Census form will not include the question asked in previous censuses regarding place of residence 5 years prior to the census date, which would have been about 5 months before Hurricane Katrina.
DNORS will allow us to assess the extent to which later return migration by blacks and those with less than college education have brought the city closer to its pre-Katrina racial and socioeconomic composition. The authors gratefully acknowledge the contributions of many colleagues in designing, implementing, and analyzing the Displaced New Orleans Residents Pilot Survey. This is because housing damage could vary greatly by housing characteristics such as whether the dwelling had a raised rather than a slab foundation within areas with similar flood depths.
National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Popul Environ. Author manuscript; available in PMC Jan 1. Author information Copyright and License information Disclaimer.
Corresponding author. Elizabeth Fussell: ude. Copyright notice. See other articles in PMC that cite the published article.
Abstract Hurricane Katrina struck New Orleans on the 29th of August and displaced virtually the entire population of the city. Conceptual framework and previous research Our conceptual approach for studying return migration among New Orleans residents displaced by Hurricane Katrina is based on multiple theories of migration as well as past research.
Measures Our analysis examines return migration to New Orleans among pre-Katrina residents of the city who were 18 years of age or older at the time of survey. Open in a separate window. Analysis methods Our analysis of return migration among New Orleans residents displaced by Hurricane Katrina, and disparities in return migration by race and socioeconomic status, proceeds in three steps. Results We describe the duration of displacement from New Orleans for the entire sample over the month period following Hurricane Katrina in Fig.
Variable Returned to New Orleans? Conclusions Our results suggest that housing damage was the major factor slowing the return of displaced New Orleans residents, particularly among black residents and those of low socioeconomic status. Acknowledgments The authors gratefully acknowledge the contributions of many colleagues in designing, implementing, and analyzing the Displaced New Orleans Residents Pilot Survey.
Standard definitions: Final dispositions of case codes and outcome rates for surveys. Race, class, and capital amidst the Hurricane Katrina diaspora. The sociology of Katrina: Perspectives on a modern catastrophe.
Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littleufield; London: Routledge; The state of black America. New Orleans: Next steps on the road to recovery; pp. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield; Situation report for New Orleans, September 29, City of New Orleans. Moral hazard, social catastrophe: The changing face of vulnerability along the Hurricane Coasts.
Annals of the Academy of Political and Social Sciences. Families in disaster: Reactions and relatives. Journal of Marriage and the Family. Race, class, and Hurricane Katrina: Social differences in human responses to disaster. Social Science Research. Everything in its path: Destruction of community in the Buffalo Creek Flood. New York: Simon and Schuster; DuBois Review.
Changes in the segregation of Whites from Blacks during the s: Small steps toward a more integrated society. American Sociological Review. Journal of American History. Research on internal migration in the United States: A survey.
Journal of Economic Literature. Human migration: Theory, models, and empirical studies. Journal of Regional Science. Internal migration in developed countries. In: Rosenzweig M, Stark O, editors. Handbook of population and family economics. New York: Elsevier; The effect of Hurricane Katrina on the labor market outcomes of evacuees. American Economic Review: Papers and Proceedings. There is no such thing as a natural disaster: Race, class and Katrina. New York: Routledge; Migration and environmental hazards.
Population and Environment. Employment and self-employment in the wake of Hurricane Katrina. Heat wave: A social autopsy of disaster in Chicago. Chicago: University of Chicago Press; Hurricane Katrina: The race and class debate. The Monthly Review. A theory of migration. Working paper. Logan JR. The impact of Katrina: Race and class in storm-damaged neighborhoods. Cleveland Advocate. Memorial Examiner.
Bellaire Examiner. Fort Bend Sun. Waller County News Citizen. By volunteering as a memory research subject, Johnnie Bosworth of Spokane is helping WSU researchers develop strategies for people with age-related memory loss or cognitive impairment to live safely in their own homes. Marks - Wilmington , NC. Elizabeth Bitsy as my Mom Gerda referred to her was a person who I remember to this I have many fond memories of both your parents!
Elizabeth Fussell Corbett , died peacefully at home at the age of 91 on Thursday, June 25, She was preceded in death by her husband, Waddell Albert Corbett , Sr. She was an emeritus member of the Cape Fear Garden Club. In she was appointed to the Governor's Beautification Commission. Corbett is survived by her five children; W. The family will receive friends at the residence on Friday evening from 6 to 8 PM.
Lebanon Chapel in Airlie Gardens with Dr.
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